Introduction

During the spring of 2012, Quebec erupted into protest and social upheaval. By the time the snow had melted, the “Maple Spring” movement was well on its way. These student-led strikes were in response to state-imposed increased university tuition fees, a desperate attempt to balance the province’s budget (Lemay & Laperriere, 2012, p. 428). A trio of student groups led the assault against the tuition hike (Lemay & Laperriere, 2012, p. 429), and were joined by a myriad of other student and civil society organizations (Collombat, 2014, p. 142). Culminating in more than a half-year-long strike, student groups, unions, and Québécois alike rallied against government overreach a la seemingly unjustifiable expenses. Throughout the massive demonstrations, the Maple Spring organizations were able to frame the movement as a fight for educational rights and against government austerity (Collombat, 2014, p. 140). In considering Hirsch (1990), Seidman (2001), Wood (2001), and McCarthy & Zald (1977), we can identify who and what Maple Spring was, and how it fought against the state and won, and helped cultivate and incentivize its members.

Before the analysis, here is a brief synopsis of the Maple Spring uprising: three student-led organizations fronted the movement: Association pour une solidarité syndicale étudiante (Association for Student Union Solidarity – ASSE), Fédération étudiante universitaire du Québéc (University Student Federation of Quebec – FEUQ), and its sister organization, Fédération étudiante collégiale du Québec (Collegiate Federation of Quebec – FECQ) (Collombat, 2014, p. 142; Lemay & Laperriere, 2012, p. 429). The FECQ and FEUQ had 80,000 members and 125,000 members, respectively (Lemay & Laperriere, 2012, p. 429). They were quickly joined by union groups Fédération des travailleurs et travailleuses du Québec (Quebec Federation of Labor – FTQ) and Confédération des syndicats nationaux (Confederation of National Trade Unions – CSN) (Collombat, 2014, p. 142). A struggling government proposed a (massive for Canadians) increase in university tuition fees, and students took to the streets. After multiple failed attempts at negotiations, while the movement garnered massive public support, the subsequent resignation of the Minister of Education, and the proposal and swift passing of the extremely controversial Bill 78/Law 12, the united Québécois finally hit back and ousted the reigning Liberal Party at the polls (Lemay & Laperriere, 2012, p. 427-29).

Analysis

Many organizations and activists stood in solidarity with the Quebec students. In order to create a visible and disruptive movement, the protesting students had to mobilize new supporters and rally existing members. Here, consider the assertions of Hirsch (1990) and McCarthy & Zald (1977). Hirsch (1990) discusses the importance of “consciousness-raising” (p. 190) and the level of commitment necessary for participants. First mobilizing in 2011 after a long hiatus, student organizations ASSE, FEUQ, and FECQ focused mainly on “informing both their membership and the general public about the issues,” distributing leaflets and curating an extensive online presence (Collombat, 2014, p. 147-49). Specifically, students advocated against an “unjust share” of responsibility for what was supposed to be a “collective good:” education (Lemay & Laperriere, 2012, p. 435). Throughout the entire rocky movement, the student organizations were able to commit its participants ideologically (Hirsch, 1990, p. 190), eventually culminating in undying support, best represented by one participant’s affirmation: “if peaceful students who demonstrate in a normal way deserve to be clubbed, then I deserve it too!” (Lemay & Laperriere, 2012, p. 434). These student-led groups weighed the potential benefits of collective and direct action, as well as the consequences (Collombat, 2014, p. 148). Some of these individual consequences included delayed graduation, compulsory summer courses, or increased workloads (Lemay & Laperriere, 2012, p. 429), and organizations faced potential fines up to $125,000CAN per day, per organization (Peñafel & Doran, 2018, p. 356), and yet they still protested.

The labor unions played a major role in the student’s fight against the state. Although there was no real threat, and potentially no benefits, these civil society organizations provided critical support for the Maple Spring movement. Quebec has long been a union haven, in which upwards of forty percent of Québécois are represented (Collombat, 2014, p. 151), and their close relationship with the government placed them in the prime position to aid the students. (In comparison, the U.S. state with the highest union representation tops only twenty-five percent; Pennsylvania claims thirteen percent – Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2018, p. 11.) McCarthy & Zald (1977) identify these supporters as “conscience constituents” (p. 270), providing ideological support without having any tangible horse in the race. One of the main supporters of the student strike, providing material resources throughout the demonstration, was the public sector labor union CSN, representing the majority of university teachers (Collombat, 2014, p. 142). Otherwise, unions were uniquely conflicted between being “social and political institutions” and “agents of the status quo,” forced to balance between supporting the students and defending the sanctity of legislation (Collombat, 2014, p. 151). This contradiction became clear when the leading labor organization, FTQ, refused to denounce the controversial Law 12 (Collombat, 2014, p. 149), preserving their deference to authority. Nevertheless, the unions’ support of the student strikes proved pivotal in the long fight against the Quebec government.

The Maple Spring leaders were able to garner magnificent support from ostensibly unaffected organizations across Quebec province and the rest of Canada. But extensive media coverage put an international spotlight on the movement (Lemay & Laperriere, 2012, p. 427). McCarthy & Zald (1977) assert the importance of “transforming mass and elite publics into sympathizers” (p. 270-71). The Maple Spring protests brought solidarity protests across the province, across Canada, and across the world (Peñafel & Doran, 2018, p. 357). Next, in assessing the organizations’ tactics, it becomes clear just how the movement garnered so much support from seemingly unrelated groups domestic and international.